Garibaldi, Mazzini and unification is the root of MAFIA

In the rite of initiation caught on video, men stood in a half circle with their heads bowed and listened as one man said: “Right in this holy evening, in the silence of the night, under the light of the stars and under the splendor of the moon, I create the holy chain. On behalf of Garibaldi, Mazzini and La Mormora, with words of humility, I create this holy society.” Mafia is Italy self!

Garibaldi and the Risorgimento paved the way for Fascism and EU - by Gerald Warner

It pains me to contradict Daniel Hannan, whose relentless bombardment of the Evil Empire based in Brussels is an inspiration and a joy to read, but in praising Garibaldi and the Risorgimento he has got hold of the wrong end of the stick. The forcible unification of the geographical expression called Italy was a dress rehearsal for the European Union.
The Italian preunitary states were nations which Piedmont – the Prussia of the Italian peninsula – incorporated by conquest into an artificial, bureaucratic and despotic entity called the "Kingdom of Italy". The much-abused Bourbons of the Two Sicilies were popular monarchs who spoke the local dialect, kept the national debt and taxes down, and ensured their subjects had cheap food.
They were demonised by that sanctimonious old windbag Gladstone (and no, Daniel, an "Italian Gladstone" is an oxymoron) who took time off from saving fallen women to denounce the Bourbon monarchy as "the negation of God erected into a system of government". That phrase would accurately describe the European Union. The true negation of God was the extravagant cynicism with which Cavour and Napoleon III, at Plombieres in 1858, plotted a war in which thousands would die: "a plausible excuse presented our main problem", wrote Cavour.
The plebiscite held by the conquerors showed a Stalin/Ceausescu-style 99 per cent voting for incorporation into the Piedmontese state. The remaining 1 per cent must have been formidable since it held the Italian army at bay for five years in a bloody civil war in which more people were killed than in all the other Risorgimento wars combined.
The Grand Duchy of Tuscany, conquered and subjected to another rigged plebiscite, when under Habsburg rule was called by liberals such as Pietro Giordani "The Earthly Paradise". Its economy was so dedicated to Free Trade (long before Britain) that cab drivers at the station in Florence were even forbidden to advertise their fares. The brutal invasion of the Papal States caused thousands of Catholics to enlist in a romantic international army of crusaders fighting for the rights of Pius IX, of whom 476 gave their lives in the Papal Zouaves unit, which included Englishmen.
The Sicilian mayor who denounced Garibaldi as "a ferocious murderer in the service of Freemasonry and the British" spoke the truth. The craft's International Bulletin, in 1907, described Garibaldi as "the greatest freemason of Italy" and Mazzini was not far behind. The regime he imposed was a prefiguration of Fascism, with which it later comfortably cohabited. Today, freemasonry is a powerful element within the Brussels elites.
In recent years there has been a welcome resurgence of legitimism, with annual commemoration of the Bourbon cause at Civitella del Tronto, the last fortress to surrender to the usurpers. The Grand Duke Sigismondo of Tuscany was made a freeman of the city of Grosseto where he received a rapturous welcome and drove in the historic state coach.
These are real patriotisms in revolt against rule from both Rome and Brussels. Italian legitimism is subsidiarity in action. It is a common cause with all of us who detest the atheistic Brussels bureaucracy.
Source

Kingdom and House of the Two Sicilies by Luigi Mendola

Until the unification of Italy in 1861, it was the largest, most prosperous, wealthiest and populous of the Italian states. Nearly half of the world's "Italians"- in diaspora - trace their roots to the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies. The last dynasty to rule Sicily (and almost half of the Italian peninsula) as a sovereign kingdom is a branch of the royal houses of France and Spain. The Bourbons of the Two Sicilies are descended in the direct male line from Hugh Capet, Saint Louis and the Angevins, and more recently the Bourbons through Louis XIV.
Leaving aside the genealogical complexities, we can say that in 1282 the War of the Vespers brought Sicily into the Aragonese and then Spanish orbits. The early decades of the eighteenth century saw the kingdom founded in 1130 by Roger II ruled briefly by Savoys and Austrian Hapsburgs.
In 1731, Charles (Carlos) de Bourbon, a younger son of King Philip V of Spain (the monarch who had ruled Sicily until 1713), landed in Italy and soon claimed the crown of Parma inherited through his mother, Elisabeth Farnese. It appeared that the young prince might not succeed his father as King of Spain because that right appertained to Philip's elder son by an earlier wife, so the tiny but flourishing Duchy of Parma would have to suffice.
Before long, the ambitious Charles and his army swept through the southern part of the Italian peninsula and then to Sicily, wresting the island kingdom from Austrian control. He was crowned King of Sicily in Palermo Cathedral in 1735. Establishing himself at Naples, the young monarch was the first king to actually live in the "Two Sicilies" in centuries. Charles ceded Parma to a younger brother.
Though the kingdoms of Naples and Sicily were not unified (to form the Two Sicilies) until 1816, they had sometimes been ruled by the same kings over the centuries, usually from afar. The name Two Sicilies dates from the Vespers, when two kings - in Naples Charles Anjou (the less-than-saintly brother of Saint Louis) and in Sicily Peter of Aragon - claimed the Sicilian crown, the former by right of conquest supported by the Pope, the latter by his queen's right of inheritance from Frederick II and support from the Sicilian barons.
Italian states in 1858.An enlightened monarch, Charles de Bourbon did much to develop his kingdoms. Under him Naples became the wealthiest city in the Italian states and an important metropolis, boasting Europe's highest population after London and Paris. Ambitious building programmes resulted in grand palaces and led to industry advanced for its time in fields such as metalworks, and glass and porcelain production. (A list of a few of the kingdom's accomplishments follows.)
In 1759 Charles succeeded his elder half-brother, Ferdinand, as King of Spain. Taking his own older son Carlo (later Carlos IV of Spain) with him, he left young Ferdinando as King of Naples and Sicily, establishing that the Spanish and Neapolitan-Sicilian crowns were to be forever separate and distinct. In other words, no single sovereign could succeed to both thrones. Unlike Vittorio Amedeo of Savoy, who raided the treasury before leaving Sicily in 1720, Charles took no monetary assets with him to Spain.
Charles' immediate heirs never approached his intellectual stature, but Ferdinando I was at least competent if occasionally cynical. Seeking refuge in Palermo during uprisings and then the French occupation of Naples, he eventually granted a Constitution to the Sicilians in 1812. In the process he abolished feudalism and established a peerage and parliament loosely based on the model of the British whose troops were then preparing Sicily against a possible Napoleonic invasion.
His first wife, the mother of his children, was the popular Marie Caroline Hapsburg of Austria, who is still remembered in the annals of the history of the Palermitan aristocracy.
Unfortunately, in 1798 Ferdinando lost Malta, a Sicilian fief and protectorate since the eleventh century, to the French, who expelled the Knights of Saint John. The islands of Malta and Gozo were subsequently occupied by the British.
Ferdinando's grandson, the future Ferdinando II, was born in Palermo in 1810. He was, in fact, the first monarch born on Sicilian soil in centuries, and he was to be the last.
Upon returning to Naples, Ferdinando promptly rescinded the Constitution and united the Sicilian and Neapolitan realms under one crown. He thus broke several promises, prompting dissension by malcontents over the next few decades. This was especially unfortunate because Sicily's British-influenced Constitution of 1812 was far ahead of its time in its guarantees of fundamental rights; nothing like it would be formulated in Italy for another 36 years.
His son, Francesco I, who succeeded in 1825 was a proven administrator, having occasionally served as the king's de facto representative, or alter ego, in Sicily. He wed, firstly, Clementine Hapsburg of Austria, but his heir was a child of his second wife (and cousin), Marie Elisabeth of Spain. Francesco died in 1830 and was succeeded by the Palermo-born Ferdinando II.
Ferdinando II seems to have been a born bureaucrat, but at least he was a shrewd one. He sponsored various agricultural projects which were at the cutting edge for their time. In 1832, he ordered the first differentiated refuse collection in what is now Italy, with a focus on recycling glass. In 1839, he sponsored construction of the first railroad in Italy, from Naples to his palace at Portici, and the network was soon extended along the coast and inland. (Piedmont had more track by 1860 because in the Two Sicilies - a peninsula and large island - transport by sea was often more convenient and economical than by land, and therefore developed further.)
This efficiency extended to politics. Ferdinando adroitly but ruthlessly put down the revolts of 1848, which began in Palermo and spread across Europe. On balance, he was no better or worse than his contemporaries, and probably more intelligent than many. Yet for his authoritarian rule he was widely criticized, especially in Britain.
Like his father, he spoke Neapolitan as his mother tongue. His first wife, mother of his heir Francesco, was Maria Cristina of Savoy, who died young but was venerated as a saint almost immediately. Her kin, the King of Sardinia (who ruled from Turin in Piedmont), wanted to unite Italy and effectively offered the hypothetical crown to Ferdinando, who refused out of loyalty to the Pope - at that time the zealous Pius IX. It would have been impossible to unite the Italian territories without annexing the Papal States in the middle of the peninsula. Moreover, unificationists considered Rome the "natural" capital of a united Italy.
Nobody in Italy dared challenge Ferdinando II militarily. He commanded the largest army and navy in the Italian states, and had shown his willingness in using it when necessary. The country's resources in arms manufacture were formidable, while the sulphur mines in Sicily and Basilicata provided for a seemingly infinite supply of gunpowder. (Sadly, directives to prevent children from working as miners were rarely obeyed.) Moreover, Naples' gold reserves eclipsed those of all the other Italian states combined.
When Ferdinando died, very prematurely, in 1859, he was succeeded by Francesco II, the pious "son of the saint." That Francesco was half Savoy did not discourage the machinations of Vittorio Emanuele II and his minions, who included the competent Cavour and the wily bigamist Crispi. The Savoy camp made Francis a proposal similar to the one presented to his father to rule a united Italy, possibly as part of a federation including the Papal territories which would be confiscated from Pope Pius IX. Like his father, Francis refused.
Francesco failed to take action when Garibaldi disembarked in western Sicily in 1860, and the following year the peninsular part of the kingdom fell to invading forces sent from Piedmont. Maria Sophia of Bavaria, Francesco's wife, Sicily's last queen, lived until 1925 and was fondly remembered. Francesco had no sons; the Bourbons living today descend from Marie Therese Hapsburg of Austria, second wife of Ferdinando II.
Its kings may not have all been exceptional but the kingdom certainly was, despite later propaganda that painted it as "backward." Here are some milestones and figures regarding Italy's most prosperous state just before controversial unification in 1860. First, the gold reserves (plus circulating currency) of the pre-unitary states' central (national) banks, based on "gold lire" in millions but valid as a measure of proportional value:
• Two Sicilies - 443.2
• Papal State - 90.6
• Grand Duchy of Tuscany - 85.2
• Kingdom of Sardinia-Piedmont - 27.1
• Venetia - 12.8
• Lombardy - 8.1
• Duchy of Parma - 1.2
• Duchy of Modena - 0.4

Incidentally, it has been suggested that to this day the Bank of Italy has one of the world's larger gold deposits thanks in part to the inclusion of the Neapolitan reserves of 1860.
For comparison, it is estimated that the former territory of the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies, with a population of some 7 million, had around 3,216 students enrolled in its public universities immediately after unification (1863/64 academic year), almost half the Italian national total (excluding the city of Rome) of 7,957. Piedmont-Sardinia alone had a population of 4.2 million, and far fewer university students per capita. Incidentally, Piedmont had a much higher national debt at over a billion lire compared to 411 million for the Two Sicilies.
A particular myth about the people of the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies and their wealth compared to that of other Italians is easily dispelled: The Landless Peasant. Despite the presence of large estates (latifondi) held by the nobility into the twentieth century, especially in grain-growing areas, most Sicilians of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries owned their own homes and at least a garden or small parcel of land. The ready proof of this are the land tax records or riveli retained at Palermo's state archive. Those of 1748 and 1811 list numerous smallholders in each Sicilian town.
A few achievements in the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies relative to the other Italian states, particularly during the nineteenth century:
• First pension system in what became Italy (2% deduction from salaries)
• Most printing presses of any Italian city (Naples with 113)
• Lowest taxes in Italy
• Largest naval yards based on number of employees (1900 in Castellammare di Stabia)
• Largest iron and steel engineering/manufacturing plant in Italy (at Pietrarsa)
• Largest iron casting foundry in Italy (Ferdinandea in Calabria)
• Oldest continuously-active opera house in Europe, the San Carlo in Naples (1737, rebuilt in 1816)
• First university chair and department in economics (Antonio Genovesi, Naples, 1754)
• Dwarf planet Ceres first observed (Giuseppe Piazzi, Palermo 1801)
• First constitution in Italy (Sicily in 1812, later suspended)
• First steamship in the Mediterranean, the Ferdinando I (1818)
• First glass recycling program (1832)
• First steel suspension bridge in Italy (Gagliano River in 1832, components from Mongiana Works)
• First gas-fuelled public lighting system (1839)
• First railroad in Italy (1839)
• First seismic observatory in the world (Vesuvius 1841)
• First steamboat with screw propulsion in the Mediterranean (the Giglio delle Onde 1847)
• First functioning electric telegraph in Italy (1852)
• Ranked 3rd country in the world for industrial development (1st in Italy) at Paris International Exhibition (1856)
• First submarine telegraph in Europe
• First military steamship in Italy (the Ercole)
• First maritime code in Italy
• First public housing complex/estate in Italy (San Leucio near Caserta)
• Highest per capita number of physicians in Italy
• First botanical gardens in Italy (Naples and then Palermo)
• First school for the deaf in Italy
• Lowest infant mortality rate in Italy (1850-1860)

House of the Two Sicilies.The aftermath of the fall of the Two Sicilies is too significant to avoid mentioning. A certain degree of historical revisionism sought to disparage the displaced Bourbons, but in fact the police state that supplanted them left much to be desired and after 1922 it became an actual dictatorship. The Bourbons lived in exile from early 1861 until July 1943, when Allied troops liberated Sicily from Fascism. Three years later the House of Savoy was exiled when Italy became a republic. Today historians generally concur that a federalist republic would have been superior to the monarchy that ruled Italy from 1861 until 1946.
Garibaldi's invasion resulted in terrible atrocities – actually reprisals – of a kind unknown in Sicily in centuries, particularly in the Etna region where Nino Bixio's troops massacred numerous, unarmed civilians in the town of Bronte (see Riall's well-researched book mentioned below). This kind of thing did not end in 1860.
Until 1866, a series of protests and riots (particularly in Palermo) demanded the return of King Francis II. By then, Piedmontese troops occupied Sicily to suppress these movements and any other dissent. Throughout the south, thousands of "rebels" and "brigands" of the resistance movement, mostly ex-soldiers of the Two Sicilies, were sent to die in "secret" northern prisons such as Fenestrelle (a large fort in the Alps) similar to concentration camps, and thousands more were sentenced to death and executed; in 1869 the Italian (Piedmontese) government sought to purchase an Argentine island to house these prisoners, thereby eradicating any chance of their story making its way into the popular mind. Apart from the post-war resistance, numerous officers of the Two Sicilies were imprisoned and killed by the Piedmontese in 1861 as a matter of course.
Naturally, the press was censored more than ever, regarding Fenestrelle and everything else. The monastic schools which constituted an important part of the educational system were closed as church-owned land was confiscated, yet in Sicily few public schools were established to fill this void until the twentieth century. (As a result, whereas in 1860 illiteracy throughout Italy was about equal from north to south, it became comparatively worse in Sicily after 1861.) In the wake of the fall of the Two Sicilies, the region was abandoned but exploited. Taxes were increased, and so was military conscription, with a disproportionate number of southerners serving in Italy's twentieth-century wars. By 1900, industry was being developed in Milan and Turin rather than in Naples or Palermo, where the level of organized crime increased. Serious land reform breaking up the large hereditary estates did not arrive in Sicily until 1948, after the Savoys had left.
What occurred in Italy from 1861 until 1945 was a classic, text-book example of how not to run a country, and the effects are still with us - throughout Italy - to this day. In the "Two Speed Europe" Italy finds itself on a tier with Spain and Greece rather than Germany, Britain and France, and for decades has received European Union subsidies to aid economic development. A particularly striking effect is Italians' lack of nationalism or a sense of unity as a people. One of the myriad reasons for this is the mediocre "Modern Italian History" taught in schools, so while most Italians are blissfully ignorant of the facts of the Risorgimento (unification movement), they are equally ignorant of the fact that in 1947 their nation was the first to acknowledge having committed both war crimes and crimes against humanity (by its treaty with Ethiopia). Closer to everyday life, the economic divario between North and South is very real. There used to be two Sicilies, but now there are two Italies.
The Bourbon kings' reigns were:

• 1734-1759 Charles V of Sicily (later Charles III of Spain), son of Philip V of Spain

• 1759-1825 Ferdinand III of Sicily (from 1816 Ferdinand I of the Two Sicilies), son of Charles

• 1825-1830 Francis I of the Two Sicilies, son of Ferdinand I, above

• 1830-1859 Ferdinand II of the Two Sicilies, son of Francis I, above

• 1859-1861 Francis II of the Two Sicilies (died in exile 1894), son of Ferdinand II.

The Knights of Malta in Sicily.The man who would be king is Carlo, Duke of Castro. This is largely an academic issue, as the Savoys, the last dynasty to reign in Italy, have not sat on a throne since Italy became a republic in June 1946, and the chance of Italy becoming a monarchy could be said not to even exist. But from a purely historical perspective, the House of the Two Sicilies is still a point of reference, not only among the ancien regime but to many who look to the Borboni as a symbol of a time when Neapolitans and Sicilians were not just "southerners" of Italy but citizens of a proud, independent nation rooted in medieval history. In the wake of the fall of the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies and its annexation to the Kingdom of Italy, Neapolitans and Sicilians became "southerners" and the region's prosperity declined relative to that of northern Italy, spawning the Italian diaspora, the emigration of millions of Italians. (Sicily has the world's best genealogical records, facilitating the discovery of family history for those seeking it.)
Like the House of Savoy and many other non-reigning royal families, the House of the Two Sicilies finds its headship contested - in this case by one of Carlo's cousins who is a member of the Royal House of Spain. That arcane matter need not concern us here except to note that it encourages social-climbing sycophants to seek "vicarious identification" by obsessively defending "their" prince in a bitter "dynastic dispute" that matters little to anybody outside a particular Italian family.
On a more edifying note, the dynasty's Constantinian Order of Saint George, an order of knighthood linked to the Catholic Church, supports various charitable works in Sicily and throughout Italy. Tourists may visit two of the family's historic residences, the Chinese Palace in Palermo (in the lush royal park known as the "Favorita") and the Ficuzza hunting lodge in a forest in the Sicanian Mountains, both built around 1800 when Ferdinando I and his family were in Sicily. They are lasting testaments to the dynasty's presence. Closer to Naples, the Bourbons' country estate at Caserta is Italy's most splendid royal palace, today nicknamed "the Italian Versailles." Other palaces are in Naples, Portici and Capodimonte.
The multilingual website of the Royal House of Bourbon of the Two Sicilies presents additional historical information about the Two Sicilies dynasty.

Further Reading:
• The Bourbons of Naples and The Last Bourbons of Naples by Sir Harold Acton.
• The Fall of the House of Savoy by Robert Katz.
• A History of Sicily by Moses Finley and Denis Mack Smith.
• Terroni - All that has been done to ensure that the Italians of the South became 'southerners' by Pino Aprile (2011).
• The Pursuit of Italy - A History of a Land, Its Regions, and Their Peoples by David Gilmour (2011).
• The Force of Destiny - A History of Italy Since 1796 by Christopher Duggan (2008).
• Italy and Its Monarchy by Denis Mack Smith.
• Under the Volcano - Revolution in a Sicilian Town by Lucy Riall (2012).

About the Author: Luigi Mendola has written for various publications. This piece uses (with permission) excerpted material by Vincenzo Salerno and André Mantegna. The gold deposit statistics cited were first published in Francesco Saverio Nitti's "Scienze delle Finanze" in 1903 and have subsequently been confirmed by other economists, for example by Anteo d'Angio in "La Situazione Finanziaria Italiana dal 1796 al 1870" in 1973. See also Nicola Zitara's "L'Unita d'Italia - Nascita di una colonia" (1971). Numerous books and studies have been published in Italy in recent decades detailing the history of the nation after 1860, many addressing topics censored until 1945.

De Magistris affair

Swedish
Neapels borgmästare Luigi De Magistris har avstängts från sin tjänst på grund av en lag mot korruption som avstänger institutionella företrädare från offentliga positioner om de döms för korruptionsbrott. Detta tveksamma domslut handlar egentligen inte om ren korruption men om missbruk av tjänsteställning, det handlar om ett fel som De Magistris gjorde under sitt arbete med en viktig korruptionsfall där högt uppsatta tjänstemän och politker var inblandade. Domen baseras på felaktigt inhämtande av telefondata för några medlemmar av italienska parlamentet, däribland förre premiärministern Romano Prodi, detta gjordes enligt domaren utan vederbörligt tillstånd. De Magistris försökt fullgöra sitt jobb och har dömts till 1 år och 3 månader villkorlig dom, han har varit den bästa borgmästare hittills som Neapel haft och han är nu dömd och åsidosatt. Denna domslut är en direkt attack mot Neapel och dess vilja till förändringar. Men eftersom det italienska kolonialsystemet inte vill positiva förändringar ser de gärna till att det alltid väljs institutionella representanter som är korrupta, mafiosi eller gattopardianer.

English
Naples mayor Luigi De Magistris has been suspended from his post because of an anti-corruption law that suspends institutional representatives who are convicted of corruption from public positions. This dubious judgment on abuse of office, is about an error that De Magistris did during his work on a major corruption case. The judgment refers to the collection of telephone data for some members of the Italian Parliament, including former Prime Minister Romano Prodi, without proper authorization. De Magistris tried to fulfill his job and has been sentenced to 1 year and 3 months suspended sentence, he has been the best mayor so far as Naples had and he is now doomed and infringed. This verdict is a direct attack against Naples who want change, but since the Italian colonial system does not want positive change, the Italian government wants institutional representatives who are corrupt, mafiosi or gattopardianer.

Article by Pino Aprile, 2014-09-18

Pino Aprile, writer, journalist, 2014-09-18. This is my article on the Southern Party (Partito Meridionale), published today in "Il Mattino": The race is between the idea of ​​a party that represents the rights of the South, devastated by (italian) governments of every color, especially in the last twenty years, and we have to break all taboos about the autonomy of our macro-region that to many people seems even too scant, because nowadays more and more people are talking about secession. These are the first, impulsive responses (not to say wrong), to solve an issue that has reached the limit: from Berlusconi's governments that diverted resources away from the South to abolish Local Property Tax, pay fines to European Union for cheating North Italian dairy farmers, finance rescues of earthquake-hit L'Aquila; Monti's government that gave 97% of resources to earthquake-hit schools in Middle and North Italy (of this 1/3 only to Lombardia) and 3% only to the South; Letta's government that killed the universities of South Italy with the act of the minister Carrozza and distributed the funds for the great infrastructural projects 97% for Middle and North Italy and 3% to th South (the same amount in Euro is what the North Italian companies that work for the construction of Autostrada A3 pay to Mafia); Renzi's government refuses kindergartens for children in South Italy and southern halves the co-financing for important projects in the South, because "People in South do not know how to spend"; this common affermation contradict itself because the problem "do not know how to spend" is in the Northern Regions, with regard to work against the hydrogeological risk: the Lucania is one of the most virtuous of Italy, Sicily is best of all the other regions in South Italy, that are bad at the same position as Piedmont, Liguria, Val d'Aosta, Trentino, Veneto, Friuli, Umbria ...In each case of the bad management of public resources in North Italian regions the government has appealed to institutional instruments and guaranteed the spending of the money, rather than withdraw them as in the South. Two weights, two measures. The insults (from ministers in charge) and other distractions to the detriment of the South are now so many, which is incomprehensible patience of the people in South Italy. It is not clear why citizens from Matera not block trains between Milan and Rome, to warn the government that they will take away the trouble when the railway will be come to Matera, after a century and a half of waiting. But there are already parties in the South? Why make it one for the South? The South is a colony: and as the colonies, the richest regions on natural resources, see the Lucania, with the largest land-based oil fields in Europe, are those most forgotten and the poorest. Because the native leaders of the colonized territories serve those who dominate, the colonizers. I'm using strong words for a necessary synthesis, but not false: does anyone remember the names of members of Italian Parliament who protested against: the abolition of many public kindergartens in South Italy? Or the exclusion from the school books of all the poets and writers from South Italy (Neapolitans and Sicilians)? Or investment in Railways only in Middle and North Italy? The national parties are the instruments of power for the North, and oppose local leaders in South who obtain consent from the population (the latest national election, 50% of candidates of the Democratic Party in the South, were from North Italy, not one from South was present in the lists in North Italy). only those who possess the power of their votes can request justice/fairness, discuss the discrimination against the South; The candidates elected because imposed by the national leadership is debt with that leadership and indirectly with North Italian Power Elite, not with the voters. The sociologist Ulrich Beck, of the London School of Economics, explains that in Europe is in progress a subtraction from them who have less, by them who have most: the strongest social classes remove resources and growing inequality, remotly; it's what the North Italy do with the South, it's what the Germany do with countries in debt and even with the regions of the East. So the solution is a party for South Italy? Or the macro-region, secession? But before writing "party," Professor Paolo Savona cites "the start of a civil movement." Without this, there is not one. The parties are tools for conscious and organized citizens. Those who care about the well-being of the South Italy, know that there are attempts to create parties pro-South. They are small and in conflict with each other. But every thing are born small; and the contrast is useful because from conflicts emerge a leader. In this boiling can happen that a group prevails and encompasses the other (as in physics, the aggregation of complex systems in larger and larger structures). More attempts there are, better it is... The Professor Gianfranco Viesti here has right: the union-like party makes sense in small areas; in a wide area as the South Italy it will be hard to hold together the ideas from right and left. Unless ... Unless we respect the recipe: join the project, not to divide ourselves on our different ideas. This requires a widespread awareness about the major reasons for the underdevelopment of the South Italy, the way in which it was built and how it was cultivated for the benefit of the Middle and North Italy. After a century and a half, this awareness is spreading. Professor Galli Della Loggia wrote that, at least the real historical events about the Italian Unification, those are almost taught in all the Italian schools. If Renzi recites primates of the Neapolitan Bourbons during the election campaign in Naples, it is because even he knows the truth about our history. The civil movement mentioned by Professor Savona are definitely part of the committees of the "Land of fires" (Terra dei Fuochi) against the toxic waste, associations against Ilva in Taranto, cooperatives against mafia ... The people of South Italy come together to solve common problems: not happened so long. The passage from here to the party is not easy (we come together to storm the castle, there is divided to manage: to do before the oven or the church?), It is true, and can be done. But ... the politics are opportunist, seize opportunities. It can happen (already having the necessary facilities) that the existing national parties compete among themselves in making their claims for the South Italy and for moving towards a more equality/fairness, just to stay on the saddle of the colony. This could hold Italy united. Otherwise, a new party will be born. And grow, will in turn raise the stakes. At the end of the path, there is the referendum as in Scotland. It may well be that Europe becomes united easily if made ​​of small countries and not of rancorous nations arose in bloodbath, divided by territorial selfishness.

Colonialism and Modernity

Modernity is constituted and reproduced through colonialism, André Gorz stated: "Colonialism is not an external practice of monopoly capitalism. It is from the first an internal practice. Its victims are not just the exploited, oppressed, dismembered nations, but the populations living in the dominant countries."
Colonization is always a violent phenomenon, is the price that humanity and nature pays to capitalism. Therefore to imagine a modernity without colonialism is an illusion. Those two elements go together, form a single system, are inseparable, even if one of the two, colonialism, is rendered invisible in many cases, made opaque by the apparent modern shine of increasingly sophisticated products that alienate people.
We can therefore say that modernity is constituted and reproduced through colonialism. It is a perverse system. The modern world is a colonial system, is a world of inequality and dehumanization, where the reproduction and domination, exploitation and alienation are now made natural elements.
The process of colonization for the Neapolitan Nation was imposed by force, and took many forms. At first it resulted in a political-military colonization accompanied by economic domination. The occupation by force of arms to a territory is also expressed in the political domination on the native by imposing an irrational economic system based on exploitation. But so far, the subjectivity of the colonized has not been transformed. To ensure the maintenance over time of colonization, and thus of modernity, it is necessary to impose the transformation of the subjectivity of the colonized. The colonized had hitherto a free subjectivity, although it was dominated by the use of force. The colonizers have induced into the mind of colonized an identity marked by inferiority, a slow re-education process to inferiority. The colonization of subjectivity is manifested through the control of history, education, servile treatment, through a colonial dialectic that dehumanizes the colonized, and therefore it is also a colonization of being and knowing, physical and intellectual. The colonial violence has "beastified" the colonized through a crescendo of physical and psychological abuses. Through education the colonized is convinced that the only valid culture, civilization and science are only those "modern", brought by the colonizers, while the native's culture is only superstition and folklore. In this way the colonizers try to completely erase the native's culture. Once the colonized has lost its identity, the colonizer can justify his mission of domination. The colonizer has come to say at that moment, as Frantz Fanon explains that not only the colonized has never owned a value, but that is impervious to ethics and the colonized is not able to acquire any ethics. In this way, it is warranted and justified its exploitation and racism. The colonization of identity has ensured the continuation modernity/coloniality beyond the physical presence of the colonizer in the territory of the colony.

Swedish Version
Modernitet konstitueras och reproduceras genom kolonialism, förklarade André Gorz: "Kolonialism är inte bara en yttre praxis av den monopolistiska kapitalismen. Det är faktiskt först och främst en intern praxis. Kolonialismens första offren är inte nationer i fjärran som exploateras, förtrycks och sönderdelas, men kolonialmaktens egna befolkning, eller en del av befolkningen. Föreställningen enligt vilken världen förenklad delas in i "kejserliga" nationer och exploaterade nationer ge en falsk bild av verkligheten, enligt den bilden de rika nationalstaterna skulle befinna sig på ena sidan av ett staketet och resten av världen på andra sidan." Kolonisering är en våldsam fenomen, är priset som mänskligheten och naturen får betala kapitalismen. Därför att föreställa sig moderniteten utan kolonialism är en illusion. Dessa två element hänger ihop, bildar delar av ett enda system, är oskiljaktiga, även om en av de två, kolonialismen, görs osynlig, i många fall blir den omärkbar med pga modernitetens glans som alstras från alltmer sofistikerade produkter, tjänster och bekvämligheter som alienerar människor. Man kan säga då att moderniteten konstitueras och reproduceras genom kolonialismen. Det är ett orimligt system. Detta världssystem består av ojämlikhet och avhumanisering. I det system reproduktion och dominans, exploatering och utanförskap är naturliga element. Koloniseringens process införs alltid med våld och antar sedan olika former. Först kommer den i form av politisk och militaristisk kolonisering och åtföljs sedan av ekonomisk dominans. Ockupationen med vapenmakt i ett område uttrycks också i den politiska dominans på ägarna till det territoriet genom att ålägga dem ett ekonomiskt system av irrationell exploatering, många gånger i arbetsrelationer. Men än så länge, den subjektivitet av de koloniserade har inte förvandlats. För att säkerställa kolonialismens vinningar i tiden, och därmed av moderniteten, införs omvandlingen av subjektiviteten i de koloniserade. Den koloniserade hade hittills en fri subjektivitet, även om den dominerades av användning av våld. Kolonialismen arbetar ihärdigt på de koloniserades identitet, för att bryta ner den, för att inmata i de koloniserade, underlägsenhet, man utbildas till minoritet. Koloniseringen av subjektiviteten visar sig genom kontroll av historian, utbildningssystemet och en konstant servil behandling av de koloniliserade. Genom dialektiken avhumaniseras de koloniserade och är därför också en kolonisering av att vara och känna, fysisk och intellektuell. Det koloniala våldet omvandlar till odjur de koloniserade genom den fysiska och psykiska övergrepp. Genom utbildningssystemet övertygas de koloniserade att den enda kulturen, civilisation och vetenskap är bara den "moderna" dvs kolonialistens, medan de koloniserades ursprungliga kultur framställs som folklore och vidskepelse. På så sätt försöker kolonialismen helt radera de koloniserades ursprungliga kulturen. När de koloniserade har förlorat sin identitet, kan kolonisatören rättfärdiga sin position. Kolonisatören kan då säga till sitt samvete att det var rätt att "civilisera" de vilda - vilket förklaras av Frantz Fanon - att de koloniserade har aldrig ägt några värderingar, att de koloniserade är ogenomtränglig för etik och inte kan skaffa det. På detta sätt motiverar kolonisatören sitt utnyttjande. Koloniseringen av identiteten har då säkrat den fortsatta symbios mellan modernitet och kolonialism bortom den fysiska närvaron av kolonisatören på de koloniserade territorier.

Italian Racism Against Naples and Neapolitans

Rione Traiano, Naples, September 5, 2014. Davide Bifolco, a 17-year-old boy was shot and killed by police after running with 2 other friends from roadblock. "I'm ashamed to be an Italian. Now the State, who is going to apologize to us for what happened?" said Bifolco's brother Tommaso. "Around here we see a lot of deaths but last night an entire neighborhood came out into the streets and you know why? Because it wasn't a mobster that got killed but an innocent boy," said Tommaso Bifolco. A woman who gave her name as Annalisa was among those who came out to protest the shooting, and said there were around a hundred others with her. "What happened is shameful. The police should defend us and instead they killed an innocent boy. Here in Rione Traiano neighborhood, we don't want the police anymore," Annalisa said. Davide Bifolco's mother, Flora, said that she saw her son just minutes before he was fatally shot, when he returned home to ask for some headgear because he was cold. "Now, if he's brave enough, that police officer has to kill me too, because he killed my son Davide," said Bifolco's mother. Naples mayor Luigi de Magistris expressed his condolences to the family and said he hoped that "already within the next few hours, we might have a clearer picture of the sequence of events". On the other hands Mario Borghezio deputy of the European Parliament affirmed: "David Bifolco? I was a hooligan and a hooligan remains, even if he is dead.". Mario Borghezio, leading member of the Northern League, does not mince words to tell his racist version about the boy who was killed by a policeman in Naples. "So you have to call one that runs away roadblock without a helmet...." Mario Borghezio continues affirming: "Davide is dead because of Naples. Unrepresentable are those screaming mothers from Rione Traiano. Them are the shit of Italy, as says the daughter of one of the imprisoned Italian marines in India." Mario Borghezio shows is full-bodied racism saying: "For Naples needs someone like General Mori during the fascist era. It needs killing raids against the neighborhoods of Camorra"

I say kill this motherfucker!!