Neapolitans

Operation Terronica

By Nick Mancuso, born in Mammola, Calabria, and immigrated to Canada in 1956. Mancuso is probably best known for his roles as the antichrist (Franco Macalousso) in the Apocalypse series of films produced by Cloud Ten Pictures, and for his starring role in the 1985-87 NBC action series, Stingray.

The genocide is final intention

Consequences of Italian Colonialism...

The Waste Crisis in Campania, Italy
By Lucie Greyl, Sara Vegni, Maddalena Natalicchio, Salima Cure and Jessica Ferretti

ABSTRACT

From 1994 to early 2008, the region of Campania in south-west Italy existed under a formal State of Emergency, declared due to the saturation of regional waste treatment facilities. There is growing evidence, including a World Health Organisation (WHO) study of the region, that the accumulation of waste, illegal and legal, urban and industrial, has contaminated soil, water, and the air with a range of toxic pollutants including dioxins. A high correlation between incidences of cancer, respiratory illnesses, and genetic malformations and the presence of industrial and toxic waste landfills was also found. The Government has been unable to resolve this crisis, adopting measures that have only increased public unrest, exacerbating the conflict. Local communities continue to organise and protest, risking arrest in order to be heard by a Government that has so far excluded them from decisionmaking processes. Meanwhile the management of waste has worsened: from the failure to separate dry from wet waste and the resultant inability to produce compost (necessary for the regeneration of contaminated land) to the continued production of the inaccurately named “ecoballs” that have continued to accumulate due to delays in the construction of incinerators. These delays have necessitated the creation of new stocking areas, the re-opening of old landfills and the creation of new ones. Although Illegal waste management is currently one of the most urgent environmental issues in Italy, public opinion and the media remain silent on the matter.

Source: http://www.ceecec.net/wp-content/uploads/2008/09/CAMPANIA_FINAL_19-05.pdf

Napoli-Juventus, Coppa Italia 2012-05-20

Neapolitans expressed their disappointment for the italian national anthem! We are not Italians, we are Neapolitans!

Napolitania

The term Napolitania is the ultimate development of the substantivation of the adjective Napoletano (or Napolitano, according to the more ancient spelling of the term). The substantivation of Napoletano is widely used in literature prior to the 20th century as historical-geographical term to refer to the neapolitan provinces, as they were still called for long time after the political unification of the peninsula on the 17th of March 1861. The term Napolitania develops at early 20th century as expedient to quickly refer to the land historically inhabited by the Neapolitan people, now that the term Napoli was increasingly getting associated with the city only, unlike in the past. Some of the references already cited in the Napolitania page demonstrates that it has been used by foreign authors exactly to indicate that land. At the best of my knowledge, the first appearance of the term Napolitania dates back to 1911, Società Africana d'Italia Anno XIX, fasc. IX-X, XI-XII, 1911 e Anno XXXI, fasc. V-VI. Going back to my initial point, Napolitania is the ultimate development of the substantivation of the adjective Napoletano, which was used in a geographic meaning too. It is composed of Napoli, the Italian name of the city Naples, and the suffix -tania, developed during the Roman times, and which stands for "land", "country". Napolitania is then the land or country of of Neapolitans. Neapolitans is indeed the historical name of the people who lived in the Kingdom of Naples (and in the continental part of the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies from 1816 to 1861) and the appellation survived long after the fall of the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies. Napolitania is then just a linguistic expedient to refer to the country of Naples, which is an entity officially existed from 1285 and 1815 and officially recognised within the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies from 1816 to 1860. The same linguistic development has occurred throughout history to name other lands/nations, like Occitania, Mauritania, Aquitania, etc. The geographical use of the term Napolitania develops pretty much at the same time with the other geographical terms, like Padania and Appenninia. The asteroid 1876 Napolitania is named after Naples, by following the same pattern. The historical geographical definition for Napolitania coincedes withe the territories that between 1285 and 1815 were part of the Kingdom of Naples including the ancient papal enclaves of Benevento and Pontecorvo. In the historical definition of Napolitania the administrative divisions of the ancient Kingdom of Naples were, from south to north, the following: Calabria Ultra, Calabria Citra, Terra d'Otranto, Basilicata, Terra di Bari, Principato Citra, Principato Ultra, Province of Naples, Capitanata, Contado di Molise, Terra di Lavoro, Abruzzo Citra, Abruzzo Ultra I and Abruzzo Ultra II. Napolitania has also a modern definition according to some southern Italy autonomist movements,^[4] which define Napolitania as an autonomous macro-region in an eventually federal Italy. In this definition Napolitania will be composed of existing Italian regions that will be merged to a macro-region, following regions will compose Napolitania: Calabria, Basilicata, Apulia, Campania, Molise, Abruzzo, far eastern part and southern part of Lazio (included in the provinces of Latina, Frosinone and Rieti.^[5] Indipendentists see Napolitania as the motherland of Neapolitans.

Contents 1 Geographical features 2 Natural Resources 3 Politics 4 Languages 5 References 6 External links

Geographical features

Area: 76,991 km²
Religions: Roman Catholic
Population: 14,554,112 inhabitants
Coastline: 2,259 km

Most populous cities:

Name	People
Naples	962,447
Bari	320,160
Reggio Calabria	260,000
Taranto	200,000
Foggia	153,469
Salerno	140,045
Pescara	124,130
Giugliano in Campania	114,036

Major rivers:

Name	Length
Volturno	175 km
Liri-Garigliano	158 km
Aterno-Pescara	145 km
Ofanto	134 km

Lakes:

• Varano
• Lesina
• Conza
• Occhito
• Guardalfiera
• Bomba
• San Giuliano
• Serra del Corvo
• Capaciotti

Mountain ranges:

• Abruzzi Apennines
• Neapolitan Apennines
• Lucano Apennines
• Calabrian Apennines

Highest mountains:

Name	Height
Gran Sasso	2,914 m (9,560 ft)
La Maiella	2,795 m (9,170 ft)
Serra Dolcedorme	2,267 m (7,438 ft)
Mount Miletto	2,050 m (6,730 ft)
Montalto	1,955 m (6,414 ft)
Cervati	1,898 m (6,227 ft)

Active volcanoes: Vesuvius and Campi Flegrei (near Naples)
Extinct volcanoes: Vulture (Basilicata)

National parks:

Name	Hectares
Abruzzo	50,683
Aspromonte	76,000
Cilento and Vallo di Diano	181,048
Gargano	121,118
Gran Sasso and Monti della Laga	150,000
Majella	74,095
Pollino	182,180
Sila	73,695
Vesuvius	8,482

Regional parks:

Name	Hectares
Matese	33.326
Partenio	14.870
Roccamonfina e Foce Garigliano	11.000
Monti Lattari	16.000
Fiume Sarno	3.436
Monti Picentini	62.200
Parco del Sirente - Velino	50.288
Lama Balice	502
Dune costiere da Torre Canne a Torre San Leonardo	1.069
Salina di Punta della Contessa	1.697
Bosco Incoronata	1.060
Bosco e paludi di Rauccio	1.593
Costa Otranto - Santa Maria di Leuca e Bosco di Tricase	3.227
Litorale di Punta Pizzo e Isola di Sant'Andrea	685
Porto Selvaggio e Palude del Capitano	1.120
Litorale di Ugento	1.600
Terra delle Gravine	19.775
Chiese rupestri del Materano (Murgia Materana)	10.856
Gallipoli Cognato e Piccole Dolomiti Lucane	27.027
Parco Naturale delle Serre	----

Natural Resources

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Politics

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Languages

See also: Neapolitan language

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References

1. ↑ The economic history of modern Italy
2. ↑ La Corte di Lucifer
3. ↑ Cómo se organiza una biblioteca
4. ↑ Statuto Speciale per il territorio della Napolitania

First Independence Movements Meeting in Naples

Translated from what ABCNews Europe has reported:

April 28: First Independence Movements Meeting in Naples, Terminus hotel

ABCNEWS, continuing its investigation of true south Italians independence promoters or fakes, after having exposed in detail many of the fakes, we are pleased to consider that we have found authentic independence promoters for the South Italy.

They show a precise concept: that is absolutely essential that South Italy will resume its independence, and act promptly and effectively to reach theirs goal.

In this regard, as first step has been created a Southern Italian Secessionist Party (PSIM), initiative of Stefano Surace, the journalist also internationally famous for his investigations that have produced reforms not only in Italy, and the protagonist of events highly meritorious in the Public Interest who've made this several times around the world on the wings of the media. In addition to martial arts master (Ju-Jitsu) world-famous.

This party has clearly stated in the statute that its purpose is "to promote the secession of Southern Italy by the current Italian state, as the only real way to end the intolerable condition in which the land is now, always a source of culture and civilizations "

And this party is just created and has received acclaim from many different living environments, having apparently taken a deep need of Southerners, expressing officially and clearly.

Then there was the famous TV interview of Pietro Golia to Surace, who repeatedly put on the air has aroused considerable enthusiasm.

Peter Golia and Stefano Surace during TV interview

Shortly after there were the actions of the massive movement of Forconi in Sicily, where among other things, the population has publicly burned the so-called tricolore(Italy's national flag), symbol of the state and its serious crimes against the Southerners.

Recover the independence of South Italy

And now it was organized a meeting of all the southern independentists - ie all those who are determined to help restore independence to the territory of the State of the Two Sicilies - for Saturday, April 28 in Naples (the hotel Terminus, two walk from Central Station, beginning at 15).

Theme of the meeting very real: how to realize the necessary and legitimate independence.

It should be noted here that Italy has ratified an international convention, signed at the UN on 16.12.1966.
Which art. 1 establishes "That all peoples have the right to self determination. By virtue of that right they freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural."
And that "States Parties to the present Covenant shall promote the realization of the right of self-determination and shall respect that right, in accordance with the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations."
Convention which was ratified by Italy with Law. 881 of 10.25.1977 (published in the Official Gazette, ordinary supplement of 7 December 1977, no. 333) and takes precedence over Italian law, as confirmed by the Court of Cassation decision, 21.3.1975.

Promoters

Among the promoters of the meeting Antonio Iannaccone, Drusiana Vetrano, Ciro Borrelli, Giovanni Cervero and other leaders of an organization that has affectionately named Liberation Front of Napolitania (FLN).
In particular, Ciro Borrelli, coordinator of the FLN Campania Committee, is the promoter the meeting.

Giovanni Cervero invited Stefano Surace, who, appreciating this deep similarity of views and wishes, agreed to participate primarily as a journalist and opinion surveys deeply engaged in the battle for the South.

(Fronte di Liberazione della Napolitania - FLN)


Numerous participants in the meeting. We just mention a few:

Nunzio Di Sano, Gennaro Cangano, Dorino Stoduto Savior, Enzo Demma, Eumelus Phoenician, Sano Di Nunzio, Marcia Vetrano, Marcos Dario Giotti, Carmine Nigro, Leonardo Panetta, Anna Maria Look, Nicola Summa Group Siciliota Provincial Messina, Francesco Di Munno, Charles widow, Francis Neptune, Fabrizio Toro, Antonio Carrella, Francis Good, Stephen Sicurani, Peppe Orefice, Pasquale, Mariano Iannaccone, Mimmo Cassata, Antonio Circelli, Lawrence Small, Luke maker, Andrea Luna LUNARDON, Cortazzo Mario, Luigi Carrino, Gennaro Illiano Valeria Girimonte, Borrelli Ciro, Antonio Panico, Gimmi Goliuso, Fresi Giuliano, Antonio Sarnelli, Anthony Pagano, Vincent Tateo, Julian Fresi, Graziella Alfano, Antonio Panico, Christian nerve, Bruno Colimoro, Mary warren, Dino jumped Brasiello, Demetrius Spanti, Marina De Luca, Carlo Lubrano, Alessandro Paone, Rocco Guarino, Leopold Muti, Luca Di Bartolo, Martu Pagliuso, Marcia Vetrano, Francis Cringoli, Aldo Caruso, Martin Napoletano, Diego Beer, Pasquale Mink, Michelina La Padula, John Rosario Salvatore Amarone Francesco Carratù ', Vittorio Ranzo Henry D'Auria et Epomeo Joseph, Conrad Colaci, Vincenzo Gulì, Benjamin Lombardi, Gennaro Cangiano, Sandro Migotto - And many others.


Good luck, authentic southerner independentists, the people of South Italy is counting on you. And the whole Europe - which now ABCNEWS and others have opened the eyes for some impudent manipulations so far systematically perpetrated against the South - looks sympathetically at your ransom against the despicable crime against humanity that has been and continues to be the so-called "Unification of Italy."



Business to follow ...

Juventus vs Napoli

Rasism:

The End of Italy

Why should we be surprised Italy is falling apart? With dozens of languages and a hastily made union, it was barely a real country to begin with.

BY DAVID GILMOUR | NOVEMBER 15, 2011 (source: http://bit.ly/tIg5xh)

Italy is falling apart, both politically and economically. Faced with a massive debt crisis and defections from his coalition in Parliament, Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi -- the most dominant political figure in Rome since Benito Mussolini -- tendered his resignation last week. Yet Italy's problems go deeper than Berlusconi's poor political performance and his notorious peccadilloes: Their roots lie in the country's fragile sense of a national identity in whose founding myths few Italians now believe.

Italy's hasty and heavy-handed 19th-century unification, followed in the 20th century by fascism and defeat in World War II, left the country bereft of a sense of nationhood. This might not have mattered if the post-fascist state had been more successful, not just as the overseer of the economy but as an entity with which its citizens could identify and rely on. Yet for the last 60 years, the Italian Republic has failed to provide functioning government, tackle corruption, safeguard the environment, or even protect its citizens from the oppression and violence of the Mafia, the Camorra, and the other criminal gangs. Now, despite the country's intrinsic strengths, the Republic has shown itself incapable of running the economy.

It took four centuries for the seven kingdoms of Anglo-Saxon England to finally become one in the 10th, yet nearly all the territories of the seven states that made up 19th-century Italy were molded together in less than two years, between the summer of 1859 and the spring of 1861. The pope was stripped of most of his dominions, the Bourbon dynasty was exiled from Naples, the dukes of central Italy lost their thrones, and the kings of Piedmont became monarchs of Italy. At the time, the speed of Italian unification was regarded as a kind of miracle, a magnificent example of a patriotic people uniting and rising up to eject foreign oppressors and home-bred tyrants.

However, the patriotic movement that achieved Italian unification was numerically small -- consisting largely of young middle-class men from the north -- and would have had no chance of success without foreign help. A French army expelled the Austrians from Lombardy in 1859; a Prussian victory enabled the new Italian state to acquire Venice in 1866.

In the rest of Italy, the Risorgimento (or Resurgence) wars were not so much struggles of unity and liberation as a succession of civil wars. Giuseppe Garibaldi, who had made his name as a soldier in South America, fought heroically with his red-shirted volunteers in Sicily and Naples in 1860, but their campaigns were in essence a conquest by northern Italians of southern Italians, followed by the imposition of northern laws on the southern state known as the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies. Yet the southern city of Naples did not feel liberated -- only 80 citizens of Italy's largest city volunteered to fight for Garibaldi -- and its people soon became embittered that the city had exchanged its role as the 600-year-old capital of an independent kingdom for the status of a provincial center. Today, its status remains reduced, and southern GDP is barely half what it is in the regions of the north.

United Italy skimmed through the normal painstaking process of nation-building and became a unitary state that made few concessions to local sentiment. Take Germany, by comparison: After the unification of 1871, the new Reich was ruled by a confederation that included four kingdoms and five grand duchies. The Italian peninsula, by contrast, had been conquered in the name of the Piedmontese King Victor Emmanuel II and remained an aggrandized version of the kingdom, boasting the same monarch, the same capital (Turin), and even the same constitution. The application of Piedmontese law over the peninsula made many of the kingdom's new inhabitants feel more like conquered subjects than a liberated people. Violent uprisings throughout the southern regions in the 1860s were savagely repressed.

Italian diversity has an ancient history that could not be suppressed in a few years. In the fifth century B.C., the ancient Greeks spoke the same language and thought of themselves as Greeks; Italy's population at the time spoke about 40 languages and had no common sense of identity. The diversity became even more pronounced after the fall of the Roman Empire, when Italians lived for centuries in medieval communes, city-states, or Renaissance duchies. This communal spirit is still alive today: When you ask citizens of, for example, Pisa how they identify themselves, they are likely to answer first as Pisans, then as Tuscans, and only after as Italians or Europeans. As many Italians cheerfully admit, their sense of belonging to the same nation becomes apparent only during the World Cup, when the Azzurri, the members of the national soccer team, are playing well.

Language is another barometer of Italy's fractiousness. The distinguished Italian linguist Tullio De Mauro has estimated that at the time of unification, just 2.5 percent of the population spoke Italian -- that is, the Florentine vernacular that evolved from the works of Dante and Boccaccio. Even if that is an exaggeration and perhaps 10 percent understood the language, it still means 90 percent of Italy's inhabitants spoke languages or regional dialects incomprehensible to those elsewhere in the country. Even King Victor Emmanuel spoke in the Piedmontese dialect when he wasn't speaking his first language -- French.

In the euphoria of 1859 to 1861, few Italian politicians paused to consider the complications of uniting so diverse a collection of people. One who did was the Piedmontese statesman and painter Massimo d'Azeglio, who is reported to have said after unification, "Now we have made Italy, we must learn to make Italians."

Alas, the chief means chosen by the new government to achieve this aim was an effort to turn Italy into a great power -- one that could compete militarily with France, Germany, and Austria-Hungary. This attempt, however, was bound to fail because the new nation was so much poorer than its rivals.

For 90 years, culminating in Mussolini's fall, Italy's leaders were determined to create a sense of nationhood by turning Italians into conquerors and colonialists. Vast sums of money were therefore spent on expeditions to Africa, often with disastrous results; at the Battle of Adowa in 1896, in which an army was wiped out by an Ethiopian force, more Italians were killed in a single day than in all the wars of the Risorgimento put together. Although the country had no enemies in Europe and no need to fight in either of the world wars, Italy joined the fighting in both global conflicts nine months after they had begun when the government thought it had identified the winner and extracted promises of territorial rewards.

Mussolini's miscalculation and subsequent downfall destroyed Italian militarism and at the same time punctured the idea of Italian nationhood. For 50 years after World War II, the country was dominated by the Christian Democrats and the Communists. These parties -- which took their cue from the Vatican and the Kremlin, respectively -- were not interested in instilling a new sense of national identity to replace the old one.

Postwar Italy was in many ways a great success. With one of the highest growth rates in the world, it became an innovator in such peaceful and productive fields as film, fashion, and industrial design. Yet the economic triumphs were uneven, and no administration was able to reduce the disparities between north and south.

The government's political and economic failures are not the only cause of the malaise that now threatens Italy's survival. Some flaws in the national structure were inherent in the circumstances of the country's creation. The Northern League -- Italy's third-largest political party, which suggested that the country's 150th birthday in March should be cause for mourning rather than celebration -- is not simply a bizarre aberration. Its attitude to the south, xenophobic and even racist as it sometimes is, demonstrates the truth that Italy has never felt itself to be a properly united country.

The great liberal politician Giustino Fortunato used to quote his father's view that "the unification of Italy was a sin against history and geography." He believed that the strengths and civilization of the peninsula had always been regional and that a centralized government would never work. Now he looks more prescient by the year. And if Italy has a future as a united nation after this crisis, it must accept the reality of its troubled birth and build a new political model that takes account of its intrinsic, millennial regionalism -- if not as a collection of republican communes, hilltop duchies and principalities once more, then at least as a federal state that reflects the essential features of its past.

From Antonio Gramsci's Prison Notebooks

Independentists agaist colonialism, Potenza

2012/02:25- FLN partecipated to a manifestation against the italian colonialism in Lucania. A region of Napolitania, where ENI extract oil, poison the environment and leave poverty and diseases. ENI is a state controlled company. For the oil extract in Lucania ENI pay the lowest royality in world, only 7%.

On RAI TG3: News Report

Independentist Manifestation in Naples, 23/01/2012

Italy is a Colonial Power

Italy is a colonial power. She has colonized about 20 million Neapolitans by a ferocious genocide called "Risorgimento" in 1860 and
today depriving us Neapolitans of first-class citizenship, by depriving us of civili rights, actually by depriving us of human rights.
Italy, She's governements and through a particular system (mafia and clientelism) is the main responsable for Neapolitan mass emigration, a never ending story,
an social and economical backwardness that is artificial and an ecological tradegy created by mafia and Northern Italian lobbies.
Today Neapolitans are called by this Italian State, a puppet government, to sacrifice theirself one more time, one more time to much, to rescue Italy from default,
by paying a big share of the Italian Debt when Neapolitans never receive the democratic structures and economical resources to develop theirs life, a social welfare, when Italy in Napolitania (Basilicate, Puglia e Calabria) extracts nature resource as gas and crude oil without leaving anything to the local populations.

Italy is died! It's a question of time!

WORD'S OF NICOLA ZITARA, NEAPOLITAN INDIPENDENTIST

(translated by Vince Angeloni, Australia )

As national collectivist, we are considered the most subdued country in the world. And, in effects, we are. It is an ancient defect, often endorsed by Italians themselves, starting from father Dante, but praised, instead, by Macchiavelli. It must be added, though, that the disesteem of other Europeans, if at one time involved the regional gentleman, the Roman curia, the soldiers of fortune and the political staff who put themselves at the service of foreign monarchs, it touched southeners much less. For the South, political hypocrisy is an immoral behaviour acquired by contagious disease.
Its first manifestation has one very specific date, the events of 1799, when the bourgeois conception of full and absolute property ran against the vital requirement of the peasants to keep alive the ancient enjoyment derived from a promiscuous land.
At the time of South’s conquest, the patriotic defamatory campaign against the southern man had a wide following. Cesare Abba, followed by Francesco De Sanctis and Pasquale Villari started it. Edmondo De Amicis and Renato Fucini added a touch of elegant writing, the "bovine head" of Cesare Lombroso framed the topic in scientific terms.
The consolidation of the unitary State, handed the issue to the meridionals themselves, those reputed to be more illustrious such as his Lordship Giovanni Verga and the multimillionaire Don Benedetto Croce. After the second world war, having read Gramsci,
The Prince of Lampedusa and a whole horde of masters of the pen and of the movie camera, they found it rewarding to dip in the soup that was South’s backwardness.


The chorale and patriotic sentence of the backward and acephalous southeners interlaced - not by chance - with the systematic defamation of the entire dynasty of the Bourbon of Naples, with masonic lies manufactured in their national and foreign halls. The use of this clever argument within such a huge scheme of things will make hair stand on end for the beautiful spirits.
The cynical and interested hypocrisy that sullies the last the two centuries of Italian national history not only deserves being demystified, but also joked and laughed at. In the first half of the 20th century, the new class of agrarian, industrial and financial capitalists, beside badly supporting the bread eating proletariat - a terrible impediment to the accumulation of profits – also showed a great aversion for those kings who were so obstinate in giving it power. The Kings of Naples were among the toughest not only because they believed to be the Lord's Anointed but they were also convinced that the modernisations were not supposed to be necessarily binding association to capitalist pauperisation.
But slander is a prevailing wind.

Through the London press and the missions to foreign countries of its worldwide leaders, the advent of the capitalist party to power and its popularity had the ability to taint the adjective bourbon with negative connotations. The successful outcome of the plot was supported by the subliminal antagonism between the predatory Anglo-Saxon world and the quiet Mediterranean civilisation.
Since the negative content, insufflated in the adjective bourbonic, made comfortable those who governed Italy in an antisouthern sense, its roots became cultivated with unusual diligence, so to continue the notion that the paspalum provokes the itch. To this day, a particularly oppressive tax is defined as bourbonic.
An inefficient bureaucracy is represented as bourbonic. An antiquated master endures identical censorship and is accused of bourbonism. Even today, Bourbons are considered the negation of God, the enemies of modernity, of civilization, of political democracy, the social justice, the cultural progress, the freedom of thought. Their jails were infamous, and therefore their police; their ministers were authentic executioners; the kings, themselves, ferocious buffoons.
As a logical opposition, their adversaries enjoy the palm of patriots, of people who worked profusely until their martyrdom for the freedom of the southern people and for the greatness of Italy; to them comes the merit of having saved the South otherwise condemned to backwardness, non-productivity and ignorance. How profitable this rescue has been, it is useless to say: it can be seen by all. It is not a photo printed on cardboard.
The perdition of those saved from this shipwreck does not improve minimally; indeed there are moments in which it gets much worse. In the analysis of the social processes through which the past has become this infamous present (and not a different one), is something that still remains surrounded by shadows.


It is a case of the political reason because of which a castle of lies resists for 140 years and still grows tall with its malignant shadow on the journalistic prose, the media and even on the academic texts. Looking closely, the Bourbon dynasty is by now a century and a half-old memory. In the day to day living, its traces should have evaporated, like those of the Lorena, the Estensi, the Pope-king, and the emperor of Austria. Then why should the current evils of the South be charged to the Bourbons?
If water and detritus of torrents submerge Genoa, nobody will think of calling in cause Carlo Alberto or the Compagnia di San Giorgio. If the same thing happened in Florence, nobody points the finger to the responsibilities of the granduca. It is not, per chance, a case that the responsibilities of the Bourbons should pair with that lack of wants to work or with the amoral for which we meridionals have become famous in Italy?
There is an explanation, but there is a pressing interest to keep it hidden. It consists of the upsetting of the responsibilities, in the preconstitution of an alibi to favour the true responsible. By now we see such an array of thrillers that every one of us can imitate Sherlock Holmes. Garibaldi was still in Naples, the intrepid king of the Reign of Sardinia still had not come down through the Marche and the Abruzzi to take possession of the new conquest, when the proletarian classes of the south realised they had made a grave error, a counter-productive action, by selling - immediately after Napoleon III’s victory on Austria - the Bourbon dynasty and the independence of the south (we must be careful here: not as much to the Savoia, but more to the Tuscan-paduan ruling class).
From their part the peasants, the craftsmen, the outcasts from the bourbon army, small and great proprietors, clergymen, professionals and massari of the province rebelled against the invader, igniting a guerrilla war. I can’t say whether those that had the power in Turin truly faced the issue of leaving the South conquered.


To this end, some data exists, for example an article by Massimo d’Azeglio, in which the former sabaudo prime minister proposes a sort of referendum amongst the meridionals for or against unity.
The proposal did not echo with the governing moderate right, nor did it with the several movements of the left, the latter strongly unitary. It is of fact that, although the discontent was growing amongst all the classes and although the peasant revolt assumed the dimensions of a popular revolution, the men who had power in the new State were no longer in the condition to return freedom to the Italians of the South.
The king, who now had against not only Austria, but also France, could not have declined lightly the throne of one of the greater European powers. From their part the military commandos, prospecting a large army and an able naval army to face the Austrian fleet and, eventually, that of the French, knew that the sabaudo state treasury was not enough to meet their needs. The tax basis, gone, in less than two years, from five to twenty-three million contributors, could not be revoked.
The contribution of the Lombardy, the Tuscany, the Garrisons and great part of the Church State had been devoured in a flash by the debts that the Cavour initiatives had produced in the budget sabaudo. In addition, the new State was revealing itself to be more expensive than all the former conquered States put together. Without the pillage of the historical saving of the bourbonic country, the sabauda Italy would not have had a future. The Liguria-piedmontese bank was also counting on the same resource.
The mountain of silver circulating to the South would have supplied five hundred million metallic coins, an imposing mass to assign to a reserve, on which the Sardinian issuing bank – which at the time only had one hundred million - could have constructed a high castle of currency worth three billions. Like the Devil, Bombrini, Bastogi and Balduino did not weave, nevertheless they had set up a shop in order to sell wool. To sum up, for the piedmont people the pillage of the South was the only answer to hand, in order to try to come up from the hole they had dug for themselves.


Then there were England, contrary to the hypothesis that France had other space in the Mediterranean, and not last the speculators who only attended to make money. From their point of view, the enlargement of the Reign of Sardinia to entire Italy was a godsend matter: it had come from heavens, through miraculous processes, a market equal in amplitude to British and French together, but one yet to be filled up with speculations. In such climate, the street and railway plans jumped out of their wallets and the wallets of the Sardinian mediators, of the English and French bankers like the pigeons out of a magician’s hat.
To sum up, in the context of laissez-faire politics and at the same time expansionist (protectionism from the inside, so defined it Francisco Ferrara) set up, and sets up, from Cavour, the southern country, with its nine million inhabitants, with its immense saving, its income in foreign currency, appeared one great resource. Instead the bourbounic South was satisfied with itself, averse from every form of territorial and colonial expansionism. Its economic evolution was slow, but sure.
Those who held the State were contrary to the political bets and preferred to measure the increase in relation to the occupation of the popular classes. In the Neapolitan system, the bourgeoisie of the transactions was not the dominant class, to which the general interests obtusely were sacrificed, like in the Sardinian Reign, but a class at the service of the national economy. The unitary rhetoric, which covers particular interests, must not deceive us. The innovative choices adopted from Cavour, when they were imposed to the whole of Italy, already had been revealed bankrupt in Piedmont. To wanting to insist on that road was the political cynicism of Cavour and its successors, one and the other more bankers that true patriots.
A modification of route would be been equivalent to a self-confession. When, in the end, taxes also came to the South, they had the function of a hangman’s halter. A few months were enough to suffocate the manufacturing articulations of the country, which did not have need for ulterior market increases in order to work better. Agriculture, that fed the foreign trade, once freed of the ties that the Bourbons imposed on the export of commodities, recorded in all an increase and it would take twenty years before the governments sabaudi would kerb its growth.
From the start, the unitary State was the worst enemy that the South had ever had; worse of the Angioini, the Aragoneses, the Spanish, the Austrians, or the French, whether revolutionaries or imperialists. Even before the gathering of the national parliament (March 1861), the southern country sent very visible signs of intolerance. Those who want to get an idea of the feelings fluttering in the air only a month and a half after the loss of Gaeta, should read the parliamentarian speech by Neapolitan deputy Polsinelli – an anti-bourbonic who had exited jail – on the dictat by Cavour on the matter of customs duties. It is a very instructive document!


The bourbonic South was a country structured economically on its dimensions. Because at that time, the exchanges with foreign countries were facilitated by the fact that in the area of Mediterranean productions the southern country was the most advanced in the world, wisely the Bourbons had chosen to draw all the profit possible from gifts lavished from nature and protect manufacturing from foreign competition.
The consisting surplus of trade balance allowed the financing of industries, which, contrary to sabaudist fables told from the academic circles, were sufficiently large and diffuse, although still not perfect and incapable to project themselves on the international market, like, nevertheless, all the Italian industry of the time (and in the successive one hundred years). Nothing more mistaken, therefore, than to analyse such economic politics applying canons of appraisal coherent with the liberalism, according to the fashion permeating our university, beginning with the one of Naples.
The local history writers, when they face the topic " Burbonic South ", have the nick to let the reader believe that the Turin of the time did not have anything to envy to Manchester and that Cavour was the smaller brother of lord Cobden, when in effects the piedmontese industry was somewhat behind to that Neapolitan and the Ansaldo workshop was financed by Cavour not less than Pietrarsa was by Ferdinand II (with the main difference, though, that it was in the condition to realise products that Genoa still had not dreamed of).

The bourbonic approach to modernisation was an explicit state planning and not a state planning masked by liberalism, like that of Cavour which unloaded on the shoulders of the desperate classes the cost of modernisation. The Burbons did not mean to race through the stages, creating rakes-off and parishes thieves ante litteram as the so-called great minister was doing. The economic circuit tied the several regional realities in a perfect, exemplary way, the likes of which had never been seen; the Capital city acquitted its function most efficiently, assuring the Neapolitan country of a prestigious world-wide importance, the likes of which would not be seen again; the state treasury was rich and the monetary signs in circulation (the famous institutes of credit) accepted with confidence and respect, the likes of which would not be seen again; the bank was incredibly solid, something that not only the Due Sicilie has lost memory of, but Italy in its entirety.
Savings were entirely incorporated in circulating silver and in the one deposited in the Bank. Starting from such a solid base, it would have been possible to emit bank currency to the equivalent of three billions, without alterations to the exchange rate, something that instead has upset Italian life for more than thirty years. Such a consisting wealth would have allowed industrial growth for the country and the completion of capital works on streets, railway and the harbour when, forty years later, navigation by sail would have been replaced also in the coasting trade. But it went all to benefit of the Paduans. Is it not a saying that the worth man dies at the hands of the unworthy?


In exchange for that huge expenditure, the South had a colonial lengthening of the Paduan railroads, whose construction gave patriotically birth to the largest and most clamorous illicit dealing of the national history (other that rake-off!) and it did not have other scope than to allow for the fast movement of the army from the North to the South. And to the aim was not to defend the southern coasts from an eventual attack by the Turks, who were happy in their own land, but in case of further uprisings of the southern boors. In truth the main worry of the loathed Bourbons was in assuring food to the people, in its country.
From the English experience they had learned that the unbridled race towards industrial development would have provoked that which then would effectively happen: hunger, mass unemployment, the escape to Argentina and in the United States of eight million men of working age, a third of all of the population of the South, that was able to produce. In their political vision the modernisation processes needed to be regulated, modernity would have to come a step at the time, with a balanced increase in productivity.
And here they were right too. In spite of the incredible sacrifices imposed on people, the local capitalists were rather speculators and deal makers than industrialists. In Italy, we can only talk of a modern and able industry capable of projecting itself on the world-wide market when we talk about the Vespa, the Lambretta and the refrigerator at a good price, that is from 1950. It is true history: the gestation of the Paduan industry lasted ninety years and cost the complete zeroing of the South. When, confronted by an advancing Garibaldi, Francesco II it did not escape to hide between the arms of Austria, as had done the monarchs of Tuscany and the Ducati, but barricaded in Gaeta with the attempt to raise the peasants, Cavour understood that the English gold had exhausted its corruptible abilities and proceeded to transform the South in a battlefield, in a country in the hands of an enemy State. The tension grew.
The owning class was retracing its own steps. The Piedmont tightened the bridles. The occupation army showed its muscles. Divide et impera, the tuscan-paduan adopted the maxim that so appealed to Metternik. Since it all had to be covered by a mask of decency (and also because Napoleon III was felt taken for a ride), hypocrisy, ancient art for the Italians , was recalled on active duty.


The army was allocated to the South in order to repress the uprising of some thousand wild men. It was born, finally, one of those political-cultural conspiracies that Peter Giannone therefore had fiercely denounced: one says white where it is black, a beautiful profile is designed so that ugliness can be presented in a beautiful shape, lies are methodical, moral dishonesty is adorned with bay leaves , thieves are crowned and honesty exposed to the public’s mockery.
The eyes were closed when confronted by the regimen profiteers , indeed they were celebrated like illustrious and deserving of native land glories. The most incompetent ministers were defined as the saviours of the native land; an unreliable, incorrect and wasteful king was put on saddlebows on bronze horses and glorified like father of the native land; the traitors of the people were called national heroes. And still today, between the scent of the scholastic incense, authentic bandits accompany the poor meridional in his passage from boy to man. The history of Italy stands on one brazen lay. The faults of the Bourbons are the alibi to cover the faults of the Paduan ruling classes and, last, of the entire Paduan nation.
The disaster in the South and the responsibilities of the national State are both immeasurable. A country of twenty million inhabitants, of which five million job-less for life, belongs to the same State in which, between thirty six million inhabitants, all those that want to work have an occupation and a high income. I do not believe that the world has ever seen an equally double nation and equally ridicule. And there does not exist a more appropriate term in order to define the buffoonery. In no country in the world is internal colonialism so enduring.
It would not have been (and it would not be) otherwise possible than to turn upside down on others the responsibility of the disaster. The onta poured with full hands on the Bourbons and the onta poured upon the southern man have no other other scope and function that to acquit the tosco-Paduan dominant groups from the historical responsibility of having imposed on the southern population an identical role to what tied the Helots to Sparta.

The thesis according to which the unit of Italy would have been born from the regal conquest smells of false as far away as a mile. That because the true weapon used in that game was the gold made in England. The true truth is that the unitary State is none other than an a piece buffoonery, a cheat, a fake more clamorous than the donation of Costantino and the annual homage anniversary of one white mare from the king of Naples to the Roman pontiff, a sign of feudal submission.
To resurrect the truth, the real history, is not an easy task in an atmosphere in which the false is glorified like patriotism. To make it known is still more arduous, because the truth counterfeits the notions instilled in the minds of the children together with Catholicism lectures. In this work of resurrection, that involves generous minds and authentic patriots, the authors have not only put the passion that the reader will note is gushing from every phrase, but much shrewdness; the sagacity of he who wants to communicate a faith, and that therefore writes to be read.


In the book, the information arrive like squalls from a machine-gun that won’t break-down. The first twenty pages are enough in order to floor any adversary. Is it revenge, availed again, highly summarised justice? No, it is the dignity of native land been born in the heart of brave persons. And it is a terribly effective weapon, in as much as it arms the heart of others.

Nicola Zitara

Zitara's words about statistics

"Statistics are not facts, but they give some hints to understand them, especially in a Country like Italy, in which the historical report seems to be the speech of a public prosecutor who must send the South to jail at all costs" (Nicola Zitara)

In Encyclopedia of the Stateless Nations di James Minahan (2002)

Source: Encyclopedia of the Stateless Nations