Consequences of Italian Colonialism...

The Waste Crisis in Campania, Italy
By Lucie Greyl, Sara Vegni, Maddalena Natalicchio, Salima Cure and Jessica Ferretti

ABSTRACT

From 1994 to early 2008, the region of Campania in south-west Italy existed under a formal State of Emergency, declared due to the saturation of regional waste treatment facilities. There is growing evidence, including a World Health Organisation (WHO) study of the region, that the accumulation of waste, illegal and legal, urban and industrial, has contaminated soil, water, and the air with a range of toxic pollutants including dioxins. A high correlation between incidences of cancer, respiratory illnesses, and genetic malformations and the presence of industrial and toxic waste landfills was also found. The Government has been unable to resolve this crisis, adopting measures that have only increased public unrest, exacerbating the conflict. Local communities continue to organise and protest, risking arrest in order to be heard by a Government that has so far excluded them from decisionmaking processes. Meanwhile the management of waste has worsened: from the failure to separate dry from wet waste and the resultant inability to produce compost (necessary for the regeneration of contaminated land) to the continued production of the inaccurately named “ecoballs” that have continued to accumulate due to delays in the construction of incinerators. These delays have necessitated the creation of new stocking areas, the re-opening of old landfills and the creation of new ones. Although Illegal waste management is currently one of the most urgent environmental issues in Italy, public opinion and the media remain silent on the matter.

Source: http://www.ceecec.net/wp-content/uploads/2008/09/CAMPANIA_FINAL_19-05.pdf

Napoli-Juventus, Coppa Italia 2012-05-20

Neapolitans expressed their disappointment for the italian national anthem! We are not Italians, we are Neapolitans!

Napolitania

The term Napolitania is the ultimate development of the substantivation of the adjective Napoletano (or Napolitano, according to the more ancient spelling of the term). The substantivation of Napoletano is widely used in literature prior to the 20th century as historical-geographical term to refer to the neapolitan provinces, as they were still called for long time after the political unification of the peninsula on the 17th of March 1861. The term Napolitania develops at early 20th century as expedient to quickly refer to the land historically inhabited by the Neapolitan people, now that the term Napoli was increasingly getting associated with the city only, unlike in the past. Some of the references already cited in the Napolitania page demonstrates that it has been used by foreign authors exactly to indicate that land. At the best of my knowledge, the first appearance of the term Napolitania dates back to 1911, Società Africana d'Italia Anno XIX, fasc. IX-X, XI-XII, 1911 e Anno XXXI, fasc. V-VI. Going back to my initial point, Napolitania is the ultimate development of the substantivation of the adjective Napoletano, which was used in a geographic meaning too. It is composed of Napoli, the Italian name of the city Naples, and the suffix -tania, developed during the Roman times, and which stands for "land", "country". Napolitania is then the land or country of of Neapolitans. Neapolitans is indeed the historical name of the people who lived in the Kingdom of Naples (and in the continental part of the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies from 1816 to 1861) and the appellation survived long after the fall of the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies. Napolitania is then just a linguistic expedient to refer to the country of Naples, which is an entity officially existed from 1285 and 1815 and officially recognised within the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies from 1816 to 1860. The same linguistic development has occurred throughout history to name other lands/nations, like Occitania, Mauritania, Aquitania, etc. The geographical use of the term Napolitania develops pretty much at the same time with the other geographical terms, like Padania and Appenninia. The asteroid 1876 Napolitania is named after Naples, by following the same pattern. The historical geographical definition for Napolitania coincedes withe the territories that between 1285 and 1815 were part of the Kingdom of Naples including the ancient papal enclaves of Benevento and Pontecorvo. In the historical definition of Napolitania the administrative divisions of the ancient Kingdom of Naples were, from south to north, the following: Calabria Ultra, Calabria Citra, Terra d'Otranto, Basilicata, Terra di Bari, Principato Citra, Principato Ultra, Province of Naples, Capitanata, Contado di Molise, Terra di Lavoro, Abruzzo Citra, Abruzzo Ultra I and Abruzzo Ultra II. Napolitania has also a modern definition according to some southern Italy autonomist movements,^[4] which define Napolitania as an autonomous macro-region in an eventually federal Italy. In this definition Napolitania will be composed of existing Italian regions that will be merged to a macro-region, following regions will compose Napolitania: Calabria, Basilicata, Apulia, Campania, Molise, Abruzzo, far eastern part and southern part of Lazio (included in the provinces of Latina, Frosinone and Rieti.^[5] Indipendentists see Napolitania as the motherland of Neapolitans.

Contents 1 Geographical features 2 Natural Resources 3 Politics 4 Languages 5 References 6 External links

Geographical features

Area: 76,991 km²
Religions: Roman Catholic
Population: 14,554,112 inhabitants
Coastline: 2,259 km

Most populous cities:

Name	People
Naples	962,447
Bari	320,160
Reggio Calabria	260,000
Taranto	200,000
Foggia	153,469
Salerno	140,045
Pescara	124,130
Giugliano in Campania	114,036

Major rivers:

Name	Length
Volturno	175 km
Liri-Garigliano	158 km
Aterno-Pescara	145 km
Ofanto	134 km

Lakes:

• Varano
• Lesina
• Conza
• Occhito
• Guardalfiera
• Bomba
• San Giuliano
• Serra del Corvo
• Capaciotti

Mountain ranges:

• Abruzzi Apennines
• Neapolitan Apennines
• Lucano Apennines
• Calabrian Apennines

Highest mountains:

Name	Height
Gran Sasso	2,914 m (9,560 ft)
La Maiella	2,795 m (9,170 ft)
Serra Dolcedorme	2,267 m (7,438 ft)
Mount Miletto	2,050 m (6,730 ft)
Montalto	1,955 m (6,414 ft)
Cervati	1,898 m (6,227 ft)

Active volcanoes: Vesuvius and Campi Flegrei (near Naples)
Extinct volcanoes: Vulture (Basilicata)

National parks:

Name	Hectares
Abruzzo	50,683
Aspromonte	76,000
Cilento and Vallo di Diano	181,048
Gargano	121,118
Gran Sasso and Monti della Laga	150,000
Majella	74,095
Pollino	182,180
Sila	73,695
Vesuvius	8,482

Regional parks:

Name	Hectares
Matese	33.326
Partenio	14.870
Roccamonfina e Foce Garigliano	11.000
Monti Lattari	16.000
Fiume Sarno	3.436
Monti Picentini	62.200
Parco del Sirente - Velino	50.288
Lama Balice	502
Dune costiere da Torre Canne a Torre San Leonardo	1.069
Salina di Punta della Contessa	1.697
Bosco Incoronata	1.060
Bosco e paludi di Rauccio	1.593
Costa Otranto - Santa Maria di Leuca e Bosco di Tricase	3.227
Litorale di Punta Pizzo e Isola di Sant'Andrea	685
Porto Selvaggio e Palude del Capitano	1.120
Litorale di Ugento	1.600
Terra delle Gravine	19.775
Chiese rupestri del Materano (Murgia Materana)	10.856
Gallipoli Cognato e Piccole Dolomiti Lucane	27.027
Parco Naturale delle Serre	----

Natural Resources

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Politics

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Languages

See also: Neapolitan language

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References

1. ↑ The economic history of modern Italy
2. ↑ La Corte di Lucifer
3. ↑ Cómo se organiza una biblioteca
4. ↑ Statuto Speciale per il territorio della Napolitania

First Independence Movements Meeting in Naples

Translated from what ABCNews Europe has reported:

April 28: First Independence Movements Meeting in Naples, Terminus hotel

ABCNEWS, continuing its investigation of true south Italians independence promoters or fakes, after having exposed in detail many of the fakes, we are pleased to consider that we have found authentic independence promoters for the South Italy.

They show a precise concept: that is absolutely essential that South Italy will resume its independence, and act promptly and effectively to reach theirs goal.

In this regard, as first step has been created a Southern Italian Secessionist Party (PSIM), initiative of Stefano Surace, the journalist also internationally famous for his investigations that have produced reforms not only in Italy, and the protagonist of events highly meritorious in the Public Interest who've made this several times around the world on the wings of the media. In addition to martial arts master (Ju-Jitsu) world-famous.

This party has clearly stated in the statute that its purpose is "to promote the secession of Southern Italy by the current Italian state, as the only real way to end the intolerable condition in which the land is now, always a source of culture and civilizations "

And this party is just created and has received acclaim from many different living environments, having apparently taken a deep need of Southerners, expressing officially and clearly.

Then there was the famous TV interview of Pietro Golia to Surace, who repeatedly put on the air has aroused considerable enthusiasm.

Peter Golia and Stefano Surace during TV interview

Shortly after there were the actions of the massive movement of Forconi in Sicily, where among other things, the population has publicly burned the so-called tricolore(Italy's national flag), symbol of the state and its serious crimes against the Southerners.

Recover the independence of South Italy

And now it was organized a meeting of all the southern independentists - ie all those who are determined to help restore independence to the territory of the State of the Two Sicilies - for Saturday, April 28 in Naples (the hotel Terminus, two walk from Central Station, beginning at 15).

Theme of the meeting very real: how to realize the necessary and legitimate independence.

It should be noted here that Italy has ratified an international convention, signed at the UN on 16.12.1966.
Which art. 1 establishes "That all peoples have the right to self determination. By virtue of that right they freely determine their political status and freely pursue their economic, social and cultural."
And that "States Parties to the present Covenant shall promote the realization of the right of self-determination and shall respect that right, in accordance with the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations."
Convention which was ratified by Italy with Law. 881 of 10.25.1977 (published in the Official Gazette, ordinary supplement of 7 December 1977, no. 333) and takes precedence over Italian law, as confirmed by the Court of Cassation decision, 21.3.1975.

Promoters

Among the promoters of the meeting Antonio Iannaccone, Drusiana Vetrano, Ciro Borrelli, Giovanni Cervero and other leaders of an organization that has affectionately named Liberation Front of Napolitania (FLN).
In particular, Ciro Borrelli, coordinator of the FLN Campania Committee, is the promoter the meeting.

Giovanni Cervero invited Stefano Surace, who, appreciating this deep similarity of views and wishes, agreed to participate primarily as a journalist and opinion surveys deeply engaged in the battle for the South.

(Fronte di Liberazione della Napolitania - FLN)


Numerous participants in the meeting. We just mention a few:

Nunzio Di Sano, Gennaro Cangano, Dorino Stoduto Savior, Enzo Demma, Eumelus Phoenician, Sano Di Nunzio, Marcia Vetrano, Marcos Dario Giotti, Carmine Nigro, Leonardo Panetta, Anna Maria Look, Nicola Summa Group Siciliota Provincial Messina, Francesco Di Munno, Charles widow, Francis Neptune, Fabrizio Toro, Antonio Carrella, Francis Good, Stephen Sicurani, Peppe Orefice, Pasquale, Mariano Iannaccone, Mimmo Cassata, Antonio Circelli, Lawrence Small, Luke maker, Andrea Luna LUNARDON, Cortazzo Mario, Luigi Carrino, Gennaro Illiano Valeria Girimonte, Borrelli Ciro, Antonio Panico, Gimmi Goliuso, Fresi Giuliano, Antonio Sarnelli, Anthony Pagano, Vincent Tateo, Julian Fresi, Graziella Alfano, Antonio Panico, Christian nerve, Bruno Colimoro, Mary warren, Dino jumped Brasiello, Demetrius Spanti, Marina De Luca, Carlo Lubrano, Alessandro Paone, Rocco Guarino, Leopold Muti, Luca Di Bartolo, Martu Pagliuso, Marcia Vetrano, Francis Cringoli, Aldo Caruso, Martin Napoletano, Diego Beer, Pasquale Mink, Michelina La Padula, John Rosario Salvatore Amarone Francesco Carratù ', Vittorio Ranzo Henry D'Auria et Epomeo Joseph, Conrad Colaci, Vincenzo Gulì, Benjamin Lombardi, Gennaro Cangiano, Sandro Migotto - And many others.


Good luck, authentic southerner independentists, the people of South Italy is counting on you. And the whole Europe - which now ABCNEWS and others have opened the eyes for some impudent manipulations so far systematically perpetrated against the South - looks sympathetically at your ransom against the despicable crime against humanity that has been and continues to be the so-called "Unification of Italy."



Business to follow ...

Juventus vs Napoli

Rasism:

The End of Italy

Why should we be surprised Italy is falling apart? With dozens of languages and a hastily made union, it was barely a real country to begin with.

BY DAVID GILMOUR | NOVEMBER 15, 2011 (source: http://bit.ly/tIg5xh)

Italy is falling apart, both politically and economically. Faced with a massive debt crisis and defections from his coalition in Parliament, Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi -- the most dominant political figure in Rome since Benito Mussolini -- tendered his resignation last week. Yet Italy's problems go deeper than Berlusconi's poor political performance and his notorious peccadilloes: Their roots lie in the country's fragile sense of a national identity in whose founding myths few Italians now believe.

Italy's hasty and heavy-handed 19th-century unification, followed in the 20th century by fascism and defeat in World War II, left the country bereft of a sense of nationhood. This might not have mattered if the post-fascist state had been more successful, not just as the overseer of the economy but as an entity with which its citizens could identify and rely on. Yet for the last 60 years, the Italian Republic has failed to provide functioning government, tackle corruption, safeguard the environment, or even protect its citizens from the oppression and violence of the Mafia, the Camorra, and the other criminal gangs. Now, despite the country's intrinsic strengths, the Republic has shown itself incapable of running the economy.

It took four centuries for the seven kingdoms of Anglo-Saxon England to finally become one in the 10th, yet nearly all the territories of the seven states that made up 19th-century Italy were molded together in less than two years, between the summer of 1859 and the spring of 1861. The pope was stripped of most of his dominions, the Bourbon dynasty was exiled from Naples, the dukes of central Italy lost their thrones, and the kings of Piedmont became monarchs of Italy. At the time, the speed of Italian unification was regarded as a kind of miracle, a magnificent example of a patriotic people uniting and rising up to eject foreign oppressors and home-bred tyrants.

However, the patriotic movement that achieved Italian unification was numerically small -- consisting largely of young middle-class men from the north -- and would have had no chance of success without foreign help. A French army expelled the Austrians from Lombardy in 1859; a Prussian victory enabled the new Italian state to acquire Venice in 1866.

In the rest of Italy, the Risorgimento (or Resurgence) wars were not so much struggles of unity and liberation as a succession of civil wars. Giuseppe Garibaldi, who had made his name as a soldier in South America, fought heroically with his red-shirted volunteers in Sicily and Naples in 1860, but their campaigns were in essence a conquest by northern Italians of southern Italians, followed by the imposition of northern laws on the southern state known as the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies. Yet the southern city of Naples did not feel liberated -- only 80 citizens of Italy's largest city volunteered to fight for Garibaldi -- and its people soon became embittered that the city had exchanged its role as the 600-year-old capital of an independent kingdom for the status of a provincial center. Today, its status remains reduced, and southern GDP is barely half what it is in the regions of the north.

United Italy skimmed through the normal painstaking process of nation-building and became a unitary state that made few concessions to local sentiment. Take Germany, by comparison: After the unification of 1871, the new Reich was ruled by a confederation that included four kingdoms and five grand duchies. The Italian peninsula, by contrast, had been conquered in the name of the Piedmontese King Victor Emmanuel II and remained an aggrandized version of the kingdom, boasting the same monarch, the same capital (Turin), and even the same constitution. The application of Piedmontese law over the peninsula made many of the kingdom's new inhabitants feel more like conquered subjects than a liberated people. Violent uprisings throughout the southern regions in the 1860s were savagely repressed.

Italian diversity has an ancient history that could not be suppressed in a few years. In the fifth century B.C., the ancient Greeks spoke the same language and thought of themselves as Greeks; Italy's population at the time spoke about 40 languages and had no common sense of identity. The diversity became even more pronounced after the fall of the Roman Empire, when Italians lived for centuries in medieval communes, city-states, or Renaissance duchies. This communal spirit is still alive today: When you ask citizens of, for example, Pisa how they identify themselves, they are likely to answer first as Pisans, then as Tuscans, and only after as Italians or Europeans. As many Italians cheerfully admit, their sense of belonging to the same nation becomes apparent only during the World Cup, when the Azzurri, the members of the national soccer team, are playing well.

Language is another barometer of Italy's fractiousness. The distinguished Italian linguist Tullio De Mauro has estimated that at the time of unification, just 2.5 percent of the population spoke Italian -- that is, the Florentine vernacular that evolved from the works of Dante and Boccaccio. Even if that is an exaggeration and perhaps 10 percent understood the language, it still means 90 percent of Italy's inhabitants spoke languages or regional dialects incomprehensible to those elsewhere in the country. Even King Victor Emmanuel spoke in the Piedmontese dialect when he wasn't speaking his first language -- French.

In the euphoria of 1859 to 1861, few Italian politicians paused to consider the complications of uniting so diverse a collection of people. One who did was the Piedmontese statesman and painter Massimo d'Azeglio, who is reported to have said after unification, "Now we have made Italy, we must learn to make Italians."

Alas, the chief means chosen by the new government to achieve this aim was an effort to turn Italy into a great power -- one that could compete militarily with France, Germany, and Austria-Hungary. This attempt, however, was bound to fail because the new nation was so much poorer than its rivals.

For 90 years, culminating in Mussolini's fall, Italy's leaders were determined to create a sense of nationhood by turning Italians into conquerors and colonialists. Vast sums of money were therefore spent on expeditions to Africa, often with disastrous results; at the Battle of Adowa in 1896, in which an army was wiped out by an Ethiopian force, more Italians were killed in a single day than in all the wars of the Risorgimento put together. Although the country had no enemies in Europe and no need to fight in either of the world wars, Italy joined the fighting in both global conflicts nine months after they had begun when the government thought it had identified the winner and extracted promises of territorial rewards.

Mussolini's miscalculation and subsequent downfall destroyed Italian militarism and at the same time punctured the idea of Italian nationhood. For 50 years after World War II, the country was dominated by the Christian Democrats and the Communists. These parties -- which took their cue from the Vatican and the Kremlin, respectively -- were not interested in instilling a new sense of national identity to replace the old one.

Postwar Italy was in many ways a great success. With one of the highest growth rates in the world, it became an innovator in such peaceful and productive fields as film, fashion, and industrial design. Yet the economic triumphs were uneven, and no administration was able to reduce the disparities between north and south.

The government's political and economic failures are not the only cause of the malaise that now threatens Italy's survival. Some flaws in the national structure were inherent in the circumstances of the country's creation. The Northern League -- Italy's third-largest political party, which suggested that the country's 150th birthday in March should be cause for mourning rather than celebration -- is not simply a bizarre aberration. Its attitude to the south, xenophobic and even racist as it sometimes is, demonstrates the truth that Italy has never felt itself to be a properly united country.

The great liberal politician Giustino Fortunato used to quote his father's view that "the unification of Italy was a sin against history and geography." He believed that the strengths and civilization of the peninsula had always been regional and that a centralized government would never work. Now he looks more prescient by the year. And if Italy has a future as a united nation after this crisis, it must accept the reality of its troubled birth and build a new political model that takes account of its intrinsic, millennial regionalism -- if not as a collection of republican communes, hilltop duchies and principalities once more, then at least as a federal state that reflects the essential features of its past.

From Antonio Gramsci's Prison Notebooks